Confusing centres of power in Igboland political geography

Introduction

Political geography is not a popular discourse in Igboland despite its evidence across the land and her people. Nevertheless its evidence and dynamics has mutated in the last century and increasingly in the last 50 years to the point of being considered confusing. The confusion is inserted to account for yawning gap between expectation of umunnadi-actors and observed outcomes of the imposed geographies. The purpose of this piece is to present a partial treatment of the geographies at play, the patterns, relationships and misalignment with the help of a schema of geographies above.

Pre-Colonial Delineations
Debate on Igboland and Ndigbo regarding politics and power has always taken the negative to the point of reduction hence Igbo history, Igbo politics and Igbo studies remains off-limit in primary, secondary and tertiary education. To an extent this has been justified in some quarters as an opportunity to impose new structures for unfortunate historical updates. 

Nevertheless there is an exhaustive study on Ndigbo and Igboland on the number of graduate dissertations, scholarly publications and some books. More is required. Some of the controversy is generated on the status of Igboland as a state (probably in the Westphalian sense) and on the depth of its centralisation. On the latter there is the quick latch on the republican nature of Ndigbo as if it is a universal testament across communities. Effort is not to be wasted as such here.

However political power in Igboland is intrinsically territorial whether community is patrilineal or matrilineal. While there is no overarching centralised leadership there is no doubt of territorial integrity of Igbo nation for millennia. There is clear and unequivocal expression of spatial consistency of a people and various powers especially political power. Power in essence is spatially defined beyond indeterminate nature of individuals due to their incessant mobility. 

The smallest unit of clustering is Atuobi (household) headed by a husband and is fixed and generational. Various households of common ancestry is headed by the most senior in age as Opara/Okpara/Onye ji ofo but units smaller than kindred are equally acknowledged. Members of different households of common ancestry cluster into Mbam (kindred) headed by the most senior in age. Mbam is not always contiguous as residential needs makes for extra-territorial expansion on either communal or private plots.

It must be noted that embodiment of political and judicial powers in husbands, first sons and senior elders doesn’t confer total power to them. Each of them is associated with geographies where their essence is most pronounced in space as Obi, Obiri, Obiriama, Ogbakoro or Ogige. Obi can be technically and loosely conflated with seating/living room in modern architecture. 

Obiri or Obiriama is situated with the inner land at the residence of the most senior elder although this obvious in most households. Various mbam constitute Ama (village) which is mostly linear in the last 100 years. Contrast patterns could be obtains at older settlements (okpulo). The capital of each ama is Ogbakoro, Ogige Ogbako or Ebe Ogbako.  

This is the ‘centre’ of village life and every member of the village has access. Collective decisions of politics, law, territory and economy are made on this spot. There is no distinction between executive, legislative and judicial undertaking in this space.  It is a unique place and extraordinarily that as court of justice, political office, parliament, consultation place, festival spot, spiritual point and not a market. 

Casual observation of few of them across locations identified patterns similar to bends or neck connecting 2 parts of a village. It is spacious enough to accommodate every member of the village. It is apt that religious space is distinct and specially invested for primary access and permission of the priest/Onyejishi ala/Onyejishi Agbara.

Different Ama constitutes a town/mba. Care must be taken that this is rather not a functional description but a normative denotation of settlement. Each town/mba has a ‘centre’ where collective political, judicial, legislative, economic, social and spiritual issues are debated and decided. Across the board and above household level, men dominate debates and decisions however individuals and groups are represented in deliberations. At times women, groups of adults and youth congregate and make decision impacting communities not necessarily at the village and town ‘centres’. 

Dates of events are announced in advance except in emergencies, attendance in good time is mandatory (contrary to students of African time) and decisions made therein are binding. Presentations and representations are not masked by specialisation and profession in (political) parties. Distance between residences and each ‘centre’ increases with level in hierarchy nevertheless no one is isolated. It is important that in communities with matrilineal lineage, participation of women in collective decision making at the ‘centre’ is reflected in their higher numbers.

Town in various parts of Igboland may constitute or formally engage in loose confederations depending on common interest, common ancestry and common boundary. Leadership is not imposed rather agreed by consensus. 

Colonial Tidings
Colonisation is a testament to conquest and vanquish of Igboland economically, politically, militarily and spiritually by an external stronger force. The territorial integrity was hijacked for foreign interest and in essence triggers up new cartographic and spatial delineations to accelerate new interests. The implication was enormous and remains potent to this today. 

It doesn’t remove that fact the pre-colonial geographies are original, indigenous, people-oriented and internally generated for collective interest. The new geographies are imposed, non-negotiated, mostly non-coterminous and will ever remain contested. It is clear that imposed geographies attempt without success to claim legitimacy from the organic spatial outlays. 

Christianity emerged into foray in the bid to ‘bring the gospel’ to the heathen. My perspective is defined by Catholic spatial structures. Fact remains that captains of Christianity at the time were neither neutral nor disinterested in the melee or mayhem towards ‘mass conversion’ of Igboland. This was centuries after the most heinous crime of trans-Atlantic enslavement of Africans sanctioned by Christianity as crystallized in Bartholomew de la Casas attempt to mitigate American Indians suffering by his suggesting Africans as convenient strategic solution. If American Indians were human enough to be spared, then Africans including Ndigbo are inhuman to be saved. He was referred to as Saviour of American Indians! Probably the Scourge of Africans!

The ‘evangelisation’ project involved peculiar spatial criteria especially where imposition is confused with ‘divine’ will to cement centralisation for a global network. This means that onye Igbo nwere okwukwe fits into a 4 stage schema – individual, parish, diocese and world (Vatican) in a funnel-like structure. The new boundaries are not coterminous with the original rather are disconnected from it as a priority for consolidation. 

The operational and function constrains on Ndigbo is challenging because of an expected hybrid geography with anticipated outcome for the new imposition with fledgling of theocracy which upset dominant worldview. Despite generational pulsation of diocese and parish sizes, it is clear that faithful are deformed spatially or isolated from a realistic view point hence priests/church are always far away. There is clear expectation that legitimacy will be drawn from the indigenous spatial template of Igboland. 

Until recently parish centres/priests are always delimited away from settlements/communities in essence a physical gap inevitably emerges as a result mostly in extra-urban areas. In recent times some parishes are becoming coterminous to a single town/mba. Of course there were or are reasons. Dioceses centre run by a bishop is mentally located as far as Jerusalem, Rome and Egypt respectively. 

Post-Independence Bonanza
Independence brought home another litany of spatial reconfigurations almost every decade till the present. Nevertheless one must be mindful that what happened after the UK-Unilever business deal that delivered Nigeria only set the scene of an umbrella without internal consistency. Between 1914 and 1960 retrogressive cartographical investments can be perceived from their large spread and obvious displacement from the peoples or rather subjects. Whether you call it South or Eastern Region with or without sub-division, Igboland only hung on to puerile geographies that principally relegate the home base.

The hierarchical demotion continued with post-independence administrators & leaders who have continued the onslaught on spatial reconfigurations starting with conflict-imposed balkanisation of Eastern region in 1967 to 1976 emergence of Imo and Anambra States. Without totally condemning these acts of national dissection, one can only bizarrely watch the yawning gap between the people and potentials of the new boundaries. Of course the numbers increased again with addition of Abia, Ebonyi and Enugu States. 

While the national boundary of Igboland is acknowledged, the internal outlines and sub-divisions denoted in local governments and wards have continued to defy reason in their inability to bring resources to the majority and vice versa. As structures imposed by (top-down) fiat, absence of productive connection with the original leaves the new geographies without legitimacy and functional consistency. 

Igboland internal geographies are rather mangled together in reaching out beyond it for interests in the Nigerian project via senatorial zones and federal representative areas. What is obvious is that the expectations of these new geographies are that their centres seem puzzling as their collective purposes disheartening.  Of course resources continue to reach them from the Federation Account and other accounts for ‘settlements’ and proverbial 10 per centres. In some cases the centres never existed or apparently ooze of periphery as personality politics decimated their rightful expression of public benefits to associated populations. 

What obtains is an ever increasing distance between umunna and multiple centres of power devoid of centre and power that only confirms that their centres are no longer holding. It is better for umunna to focus attention on pregnant clouds than hope for crumbs thrown away of a less stingy table from an expected centre of power. Another option is to reclaim and or modify these boundaries and their centres regardless of their levels in hierarchy to their rightful designations towards active responsibility to umunna on the ground.

The Future After Pope Benedict XI

The unexpected but not unusual news that Pope Benedict XI is resigning at the end of the month has unleashed the usual frenzy in mainstream media chattering about the usual short-attention span platitudes. As a matter of fact and record, he’s not the first pope to resign showing that all popes do not die in office. Nevertheless the man must be congratulated for his courage and humility in defying centuries-long tradition. In a sense the pope in modern era most associated with tradition and orthodoxy has shown revolutionary streak by displaying that nothing is set in stone and that the Church is more about Spirit than contingent predictable matter. Lessons of history!

This timely announcement carries a lot of strategic implications for the Church globally. As cardinals prepare for the next conclave in the next few weeks without mourning, there is no doubt issues confronting the church will be laid bare. More so in a fast changing world, there is great necessity for the Church to renew herself to be in the driving seat.  Some of the issues that one expects in the new pope’s purview will include but not limited to the following;

-          Relationship with the South. The last 2 decades has opened up positive political and socio-economic experiences in many parts of the South i.e. Africa, South America and Asia. Many governments are reflecting the will of their peoples; economic development and economic growth are rising with increased investment on social and public services. In parallel Europe the erstwhile centre of economic power is in decline. This is the first time in Church history that its primary environment has fallen behind economically. In addition it must be stated that Europe’s church attendance decline, decreasing birth rate and declining population signify that Church’s soul has left the continent. It is now in the South.  The new pope needs to confront this reality with maturity and wisdom towards an enhanced relationship.

-          Dormancy (and at times deafening silence) of National Bishop Councils. As the world changes in power configuration with multipolarity becoming the clear platform of geopolitics, the new pope must advance nuanced flexibility towards enhancing the profile of national churches. This means national churches must not suffer no more at the expense of Vatican diplomacy. Active participation of the hierarchy in the political, socio-economic and cultural development of their countries is long over-due without the burden of being frozen out or labelled Marxist.

-          Sustainable moral authority in national political spaces. The new pope must appreciate the complexity of self-determination and aspiration of majority in pursuing their political needs. On a number of occasions, Vatican has made questionable diplomatic judgements which alienated many faithful in some countries e.g. apparent understanding of 1973 Gen Pinochet’s bloody coup against an elected government in Chile, recognition of coup-engineered Paraguayan government in 2012, 'allowing' defiance of Venezuelan hierarchy in openly supporting coup d’état against a democratically elected government in 2002 among others.

-          Rising of Islamist destabilisation. The convergence of interest between western military power and islamist assets has unleashed a new dimension of instability especially in Middle East and Africa. It will be appropriate for the new pope to renew dialogue with Islamic authorities towards negotiation based on life-giving theological experiences that stems the tide of violence in many countries. Such an opportunity allows renewed dialogue with Islam on increasing destabilisation purported in its name.

-          Relationship with China. The new pope must quickly fine-tune progressive diplomacy of engagement with China. One of the factors preventing a nuanced engagement is the historical baggage over China’s escape from being overrun by the same European military machine that penetrated other lands preceding Christian evangelisation.

These issues are poignant for the times we live in and the Church’s long experience and vast resources are well placed to re-inject another dose of ‘fresh air’ and updates on unimplemented pages of Vatican II conclusions gathering dust in the archives.

Potential fall out from alleged Boko Haram attack on Emir of Kano

Introduction

Media was dominated few weeks ago with reports of alleged attack by members of Boko Haram on the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero. The reports claimed that while he was unhurt members of his entourage were not so lucky. While this report is disputable, I’ll concentrate on the potential implications for political forces in northern Nigeria and Nigeria in the short and long term. In doing so I’ll attempt to tease out unique dynamics over time that placed Emir of Kano in questionable position since the 1960s.

Northern Politics

That Boko Haram has become media sensation in Nigeria is no longer news. One will conclude that their media prowess has amplified to attract mainstream western media which in itself is serious and worrying. Nevertheless the events that brought Boko Haram into public discourse has a long unique trajectory which is unfortunately dismissed as a usual phenomenon. These events are part of political tools ad methodologies used by the northern Hausa-Fulani oligarchy to successful pull the strings of the state.

From a spatial perspective it now evident that the actions and methods of Boko Haram are restricted within the territorial space coterminous to the erstwhile Northern Nigeria region. It is also instructive that while this area has undergone population and cultural dynamics since 1960, the political structures and operators remain to all intents and purpose monolithic and cohesive.

From internal political dimension, this is an area formerly under the guardianship of the late Northern Region Premier, Sarduna of Sokoto, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, a proponent of the strategy of ruling Nigeria from ‘sand to the sea’. There is no evidence that this dictum has suffered denudation of late if you pay less attention on who occupies the head of government/state.

Northern hand of Federal instrument

The arrival of 4^th republic under former President Obasanjo opened up a new era in opaque Nigerian politics. Among other things the northern states positively and successfully played strong cards on devolution of law with regard to Sharia. It is important for political watchers to realize that there are few areas of the ‘federal republic’ that is federal indeed. Just a theoretical construction for finally valorization of the state! The successful establishment of Sharia Law as the primary basis of mediation and litigation in Northern region is a testament of political astuteness and strategic foresight.  Only if it solved all underlying problems!

It is rather surprising that this legal and constitutional victory which should have been significant pointer in ‘fighting the war by other means’ did not materialize. The implications are huge for the northern political machine and northern elite in general.

 Emir’s Hegemony

While the Emir of Kano is a powerful political and religious figure in the north and Nigeria, he is on a lower pecking order whose apex is occupied by the Sultan of Sokoto. While I ply my trade denying the veracity of alleged Boko Haram attack, my bearing of this conclusion come from history. Compared to other parts of the country, northern region political machine has remained consistent and united. Dissent is not tolerated or rewarded. To suggest that rouge political and religious elements can institute, execute and wreak havoc across their patrimony without oversight is myopic and delusional.

History has recorded and confirmed that Northern region is a space of genocide and massacre since independence with sustained periodic annihilation of innocent citizens who ascribed and achieved it as home. In the name of politics, religion or both, 1000s have been killed over generations in the northern region with no one brought to account. One of those who always give assurance of safety in his territory is Alhaji Ado Bayero not least the assurance he gave to the late General Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu before and during the events that led to the establishment of Republic of Biafra.

From the fall of Biafra Republic to the present, northern instituted massacres have continued unabated including in Kano and Emir of Kano has not supported its cessation or prosecution of suspects. Many families from around Nigeria have suffering bodily and material losses under Alhaji Ado Bayero’s leadership without recourse to justice in a court of law. To suggest that Emir of Kano has blood on his hands is an understatement. One can only surmise that Boko Haram is another name in the litany of northern instituted violence in her unique pattern of self-regeneration.

Implications

One can wishfully and rightly expect Boko Haram to fade away in time when its masters decide to pull the leash. We have observed similar successful management of cyclical violent proxies in Eastern DR Congo by Rwanda itself a proxy of United States. Boko Haram is a violent proxy whose identity is not very clear at the moment. Nevertheless if the alleged attempt on Alhaji Ado Bayero is true, then this is the first time the Hausa-Fulani oligarchy is receiving a body blow from internal quarters. It can be interpreted as the outset of gradual erosion of northern political machine towards elevation of a new political force. Therefore Emir of Kano and his superior, Sultan of Sokoto may not be smiling after all or they are playing double game of strategic realignment. It is difficult to discern.

On the one hand the usually consistent and all-encompassing power base is threatened from within by a potentially powerful group who are determined to use the same methods that assured erstwhile unity to split or overthrow the current political machine.  In any case there are 2 folds of threats; one against current northern political machine/elite and the one against Nigeria. This is a dynamic which is bound to change and or reverse. It is difficult to conjecture Boko Haram’s success without the current northern power machine/elite. On the other hand, they seem to be plying under unseen hands towards reconfiguration of (Africa) current power structures similar to objectives of US AFRICOM.

The longevity of Boko Haram confirmed it as an organised group with coherent theory of domination, have well-funded local and international support, well-established military hardware supply lines, expertise in deploying explosives, understanding of low-intensity conflict and gradual mastering of the spatial underpinnings of urban warfare. The unseen and unknown guides/masters may be playing for time awaiting events to drag out for an opportunity to finally claim their booty. The determination of this new group who combine effective use of media for maximum impact and deployment of fear confirms an understanding that absence of the state is not just an incentive but a comparative advantage for supplanting it.

Geopolitical Pivots

If Boko Haram is a threat to citizens it is understandable.  However in the face of mounting evidence of state’s reluctance to deal effectively with northern institute religious armies of violence, why should Boko Haram be an exception. If innocent citizens for the last 2 generations have suffered genocide and massacres without Nigeria state interventions and relief, why should these citizens expected positive change while Boko Haram runs riot? To all intents and purpose, the arrival of Boko Haram is another confirmation of Nigeria as a genocidal state. Does Nigeria deserve to be saved? What is the justification for such proposition?

As a potential harbinger of further destabilisation, events in North Africa in the last few years should be a guide. Western mainstream media has commenced paying attention to Boko Haram with armchair ‘experts’ already suggesting links between Boko Haram and foreign Islamist assets. Libya should be a perfect example of where interest of great powers and Islamists converged to generate maximum celebration of violence and dismantling of a state. United States AFRICOM core objective is ensured in the destruction of Libya with effective deployment of Islamist and NATO.

Apart from Libya possessing large quantities of fresh water and crude oil, there were billions of dollars’ worth of Chinese and Russian contracts. To suffocate national independence and check Beijing’s influence, Libya was reduced to rubble and reverted to Stone Age.

Similar event is repeated with panache of stage management in Mali where huge deposits of crude oil, natural gas and gold are confirmed. Chinese investment in Mali is substantial to trigger alarm in Washington DC. It is not surprising that Islamists here used again as fodder of destabilisation to enable deployment of foreign troops in another plank toward recolonisation of Africa. If Mali has only fields of broccoli or geology of useless laterite no Rafael bombers will overfly her airspace with French boots on the ground via US airlifting capacity. One should not forget that Mali has been under US radar and compliance for at least a decade with her armed forces trained by both United States and France. Nigeria’s deployment of troops to Mali maybe dress-rehearsal of what may materialise eventually in her case.

While Nigeria possess crude oil among other natural resources as part of US strategic interests secure, Chinese investment in Nigeria is growing in the last decade albeit in the non-crude oil sector. Nigeria is the biggest geopolitical prize on the continent. The size of Chinese investments and Beijing’s hunger for mineral resources among others things could be the trigger for unleashing Boko Haram as proxy to displays pitiable state response and final call for foreign intervention. If this is plausible, then there is no doubt that the northern power machine/elite including the Emir of Kano are in pole position to reap benefits of potential emergence from final recolonisation of Nigeria.

Fence, Evil Symbol of Chaos in Igboland

Fence has existed since the dawn of man. There is nothing wrong with fence/fencing as it is the singular identifier of unique ownership and or spatial security of a tangible immovable asset. Igboland is not different in displaying this unique and positive index of human advancement. The purpose of this piece is to draw out the spectre of transformation haunting fence/fencing in Igboland since the end of Nigeria-Biafran War into a negative attribute that is currently scouring the social-scape of Igboland. It is important to stress that this transformation is mutating simultaneously in urban and extra-urban areas of the nation. 

Introduction

Fence is part and parcel of humanity wherever ‘solid’ earth exists either as land surface or ice. Fence (awarawa/mkparata) justifies boundary (oke) which in its demarcation defines right or share of ownership (oke). One doesn’t need to be an expert in property law or geography to appreciate both legal and spatial idiosyncrasies of private and communal ownership. Fence doesn’t in essence conflate security of ownership with its defence ab initio all things being equal. Nevertheless boundary (oke) with or without fence (awarawa/mkparata) expresses its essence in the respect others give to it i.e. to its rightful owner(s). This is the case in the conventions, constitutions and laws of many communities of Igboland. This respect was widely accepted almost without blemish until the end of Nigeria-Biafra War. There is no suggestion that infractions or disputes did not arise in the past, however it is the position of the writer that rule of law was entrenched that arbitration and resolution followed their course successfully as parties accept binding conclusions. Resolutions seamlessly ties with justice in those cases exhibiting different socio-economic context.

Typology

Boundaries come in different shapes and contexts in Igboland so are the fences that express them. Of course fence define boundaries on land, their spatialisation equally say something about the underlying social, cultural, religious, economic and ontological environment. One thing that is undisputable in Igboland is that linearity is not precedent in boundaries rather is just a part or aspect of it. Whether it is on inner land enclosing homes or outer land of gardens and farms complete quadrangles are rare.  The reasons behind these are complex however it is a simple replication of complexity revolving around ownership as a (dynamic) negotiated reality over time between one and one, all and all, one and all and all and one were applicable. Anyone who has partaken in annual demarcation of communal (farm) land will be in the best position to appreciate the non-trivial nature of compressed negotiation over time and space. Demarcation is complex, methodologically advanced, high valued and labour intense contrary to views shared by those who dismiss it as primitive and irrelevant.

Linearity of bounded space in quadrangles is shows youth, vigour, imposition, genocide, forceful dispossession and or violent overthrow of erstwhile owners or cultures. Take a cursory look at the sub-national boundaries of United States, Canada, Australia, parts of North Africa and Southern Africa for further knowledge and note that even irregular parts of these lands abut mostly seas and oceans. Contrast them with many parts of Africa, Asia, South America and Europe.

Fence on inner land was usually made of clay with average height of 4 feet maximum and covered with palm fronds which are replaced seasonally. These fences are not social barriers and do not infract social space because umunna/umunne freely communicate over it in clear unimpeded vision. This could enclose individual or communal holdings. Abandoned settlements (okpulo) testify to these spatial artefacts as well as many current settlements where internal conflicts have not dismantled them.

Personal and communal land boundaries are hardly quadrangles but irregular and indented bounded spaces mostly defined with sacred (Ebubeagu/Ukpoh) and boundary plants (Aboshi/Okpukpu Nkita). As stated earlier, linearity is intrinsic but doesn’t completely define boundaries even on donated plots.

Colonial interaction and advent of non-agricultural economy intensified complete linearity of boundaries/fences. There is nothing wrong with new ideas and innovation however emergence of quadrangle plots and boundaries took effect mostly on donated and public lands such as schools and churches. It is significant that these spaces are not fenced in most cases while their boundaries are deemed ‘sacred’ due to their public functions.

On inner lands Ogaranyas in various communities transformed their abodes with the new construction technology without hedging their bets on fences.  A cursory visit decades ago to a select few mentioned by Oriental Brothers in one of their epic songs observed majestic country homes with ease of visual and physical access. Late Dr K O Mbadiwe’s Arondizogu palatial home at its opening in the 1960’s had similar bearing. Nevertheless post-war oil economy and foreign remittances introduced and intensified linearity with height of cement fences on individual/private plots in Igboland rising to megaliths and fortresses fastened with coarse-looking ‘gates of hell’.  Of course with complicated dimensions and impacts!

Mutation of Confusion

The last 2 decades has seen huge increases in the erection of high cement fences around private and public plots in urban and extra-urban areas of Igboland. My attention is focused on extra-urban areas. At times one wonders the wisdom of hugging non-portable immovable good by those deemed very smart. Nevertheless these wouldn’t amount to much in themselves because contrary to European obsession with rights, there is no taste for visual pollution. The crux of these new privatisations of space is the motivation based on perceived fear of all sorts. It is significant that potential offenders for erectors of high fences include but not limited to close relatives within the same kindred and the same community.

While visual and physical limitations of communal space are acknowledged, the major problem for communities is the resulting gradual degradation of extra-urban areas social space emphasised by these fences (and their owners). The symbolic role of these fences is a strong message to keep out; the space is off-limit. It is a standing and perpetual symbol of enmity and apartness. This plays out beautifully in communities where distant households are easily accessible than prison-fenced fortresses within proximity. You only need to take a look at your community on Google Map to observe spatial patterns and suggest unique processes that gave rise to unique spatial experiences. Therefore these fences are not only defensive but reinforce daily projections of offensive on the public.

Kindred and communal relationships are transforming not as a result but on impact. The isolation projected by the off-limit homes is perceived as a partial renunciation of the community which strengthens over time. Isolation is not cool, not sexy and not evidence of advanced development. As an outcome the social space is balkanised and fragmented where erstwhile cohesion becomes scarce commodity.  The supposed identity of fence as symbol of affluence is rather myopic, deranged and absurd. On the contrary high fence exudes of fear, insecurity, fatalism, conflict, uppity and distortion of class consolidation.

Implications

There are positive and negative dimensions of high walled enclosures in extra-urban areas. Since these are mostly motivated by fear, the usually absent owners may extend their fear by creating employment locally in engaging young men/women on security duties.  This means that income, spending and saving is enhanced in the local economy as the number of these fortresses increase. Mind you, there is no statistics on the role of high walls on crime prevention in extra-urban areas. Of course there is no correlation to Nkwashi uzo anaghi achu mba agbara.

On the negative side most of the fortresses have low occupancy ratio at any given time of the year except during seasonal returns. For those residing in these large ‘prisons’ one can only imagine the psychological impact of staying in isolation in a large enclosed space. This is stark when one considers that as time proceeds only the weak and vulnerable will hold the forth. In case of emergency there is no evidence of how successful rescue can be executed be it fire, burglary, health complication and etc. Most of these tightly enclosed spaces/homes were not designed with attention to the elderly and those with disability. Just a show of wealth!

In a place where the state doesn’t exist, tearing of social fabric in the form of high-walled enclosed homes doesn’t/wouldn’t encourage rush of assistance from the outside. Anecdotal evidence has confirmed this experience in many communities in the last decade. It is difficult for victim to extract themselves and the good willed outsider cannot go in to rescue. Catch 22!

While there is a positive correlation between high-walled enclosed homes and high-income ownership, it is also evident that as current patterns indicates that these fortresses will be no more than holy sepulchres in the coming generations.  Unless communities are transformed into poles of economic development and improved economic activities dependent on high occupancy ratio. The current trend of increasing urbanisation of family life is likely to create local ‘absented’ properties.  This has the potential benefit of opening occupancy to some umunna in need on the condition that ownership cannot be contested. Another option is the continuation of intergenerational ‘war by other means’ by the children who choose to reside in situ with their increasing delinkage from umunna in their perception of fear and or seeing umunna as lightweight, underclass and inferior.

Conclusion

Transformation of built environment in Igboland has seen remarkable changes in the last 2 decades. Increased attention to high-walled homes in extra-urban areas is rather a reflection of individual preferences that manifest their fears, insecurities and vulnerabilities rather than their defence. Privatisation of space and its boundaries can peter out in few generations but indications show that the trend and its impact may continue positively and negatively. Obviously delimited social space in extra-urban areas doesn’t bode well for strategic community cohesion as it equally indicts institutions under whose watch these ugly experiences emerged. Nevertheless cohesion will increases irrespective of fence height so far high walls of human (umunna) suffocatingly embracing hearts and minds are broken down.

ReNewed African Recolonisation Front in Mali

Introduction

Last week beleaguered French President, Mr Francois Hollande signed-off French troops for active duty in Mali under the guise of humanitarian intervention against threat of terrorism. Parallel to this decision, he equally approved pacification of his compatriots with disinformation via raising domestic threat level to justify renewed intervention-investment in Africa. In a sense to continue the counterproductive projection of France as a great power in Africa which was commenced by the former president, Mr Nicolas Sarkozy.

Beyond the rhetoric in western capitals and on mainstream media, this is a serious move by various players whose common interests have little to do with Mali's strategic interest. We’ll show historical consistency indicating that a geopolitical settlement is afoot with clear losers and few winners. Mali provides a convergence of forces, time and space for continuing the recolonisation war of Africa in a complex array of relationships spread across political, economic and religious spectra.

Humanitarian Devaluation

While territorial integrity and sovereignty is unambiguous reality on the ground shows otherwise. Mali’s intensification of conflict in the last decade is a by-product of both environmental and culture-religious dynamics. On the one hand expansion of Sahara which not only decreases access to fresh water also reduces availability of arable land which increases pressure on nomadic and settled populations. This dynamic have been contained for centuries with minimal problems. On another level this part of the world is populated predominately by Muslims. Populations in these areas have been living there before the emergence of Arabs and or Islam.  The temperament of their religiosity possess unique progressive characteristics and dissimilar cultural niches compared to Arabo-Islamic dynamics.

The current upheaval was accelerated by United States direct violent campaign to recolonise Africa with the clinical destruction of Libya and murder of Col Gadhafi in 2011. Of course the usual suspects or remoras of the north led by France pretended being in the driver’s seat to decimate Libya. Libya was vehemently opposed to US AFRICOM programme which Col.Gadhafi understood trully and clearly as a tool of strategic destabilisation and recolonisation of the continent. The attack on Libya followed a consistent pattern where if US desire implementation of strategic initiative in Africa, State Department sublets action to erstwhile colonialists. Whether it is Congo in the 1960s, or Nigeria during Nigeria-Biafra War or apartheid South Africa during Angolan War of Independence; the pattern remain immutable. Sarkozy France found opportunity to compete with London for attention on the Capitol Hill in Cote D’Ivorie, Libya and now Mali. General De Gaulle must be rueing in his grave.

The curious twist in the Libyan debacle is the coalition of the ‘good’ and the ‘bad’. It is important to isolate the use made by NATO/US of so-called Al Qaeda to dismantle Libya in the name of humanitarian intervention. Now even the sands of Libyan Desert are mourning. Conventional weapons stores of Tripoli became free for all with the first impact unleashed in Mali. Strategic planners of Libyan destruction cannot be silly enough not to expect wider spatial consequences.

The assembly of like minds of the ‘good’ and ‘bad’ have quarried West Africa from the north for its mineral resources. A similar action is unfolding with no end in sight in East Africa with Kigali, Nairobi and Kampala doubling up as second fiddle for US interest at the cost of brotherly blood. What is interesting is the speed with which UN Security Council resolution was passed last week and France jumped into the fray. Why the rush? Do the so-called terrorists have military capacity to hold on to their current gains in the long term? There is no evidence that the so-called terrorists are being resupplied from unknown source(s). Mind you condition on the ground will not be concluded with aerial bombing alone, boots will be deployed and French body bags taken home later.

France is not in any way doing her own bidding rather responded to instruction from State Department while US 3500 troops are deployed to Africa non-stop training of various African armies. The irony remains that US is in the driving seat rather than in the ‘rear’. While US has pivoted her strategic initiative in Asia, she perceives Africa as another battleground for checkmating China. Beijing is fully aware. The long term implications are still hazy but history has shown that US has complicated understanding of Africa and doesn’t always get her way despite bombastic rhetoric. In any case avoidance of heavy footprint in African theatre allows Washington DC respite from restive domestic front while France jumps at the chance pushed or shoved. In the process meagre Malian infrastructure and resources will be inevitably decimated for new contracts to US and French firms.

It is inconceivable that one of the countries (France) that triggered a mess is called back to fix it. On the other hand the use of Saudi oriented Wahhabi religionists to destabilise Africa is taken note of. A universalist dogmatism that attempt to eliminate local idiosyncrasies and destroy distinct religio-cultural heritage is now repeated in Mali similar to Afghanistan where inhuman governance triggered mass terrorisation of populations and blowing up of ancient monuments by Taliban. The silence of many African capitals on this emerging pattern is instructive. The complex relationship that pins the ‘good’ and ‘bad’ in a common alliance of military significance is wreaking havoc on Africa. Samuel Huntington’s Clash of Civilisation thesis needs asterisk on this point.

While no war fizzles out quickly France will hang around for a while until ‘the job is done’ or to the satisfaction of Washington DC. On the other hand significant mineral resources under Malian bowels will be secured as war mongers have no interest in countries that produce broccoli. In summary Mali’s territorial integrity and sovereignty though compromised for decades is now full enhanced. From this point potential expansion of US military/strategic design will be gradually enforced to encircle West Africa from the sand to the coast.

Winners and Losers

In any conflict direct distinction is made between investors/profit makers and can-carriers as this conflict will not be different. It is easy to isolate a winner in the short term; United States. It is a nearly cost-free job done via proxies from the ‘good’ and ‘bad’ camps to project power and start implementation of strategic designs.

The next winner in this unfolding mess is China. The last decade or two has presented Beijing with unrivalled opportunity to watch rivals labour in self-destruction. While she remains cautious in her strategic meanderings, Beijing is careful not to be reminded of harsh historical lessons where African countries among others started her on the way to greatness with 1971 recovery of her UN Security permanent seat from Taiwan.  Beijing is aware of her investments in Africa and its fragile capacity as Libyan debacle testified. Nevertheless Beijing is determined to fight her wars by other means including but not limited to diplomacy but short of armed conflict. Beijing is playing for the long haul.

The primary loser is France. Deploying heavy military hardware and personnel across the continent more than once under 24 months in a reversing economy is short of strategic stupidity. Regardless of assurances, Paris will have to find the stomach to pay for her folly. More so if there is any pie to be shared; US interest dictates a winner-takes-all strategy.  It will be a miracle for Paris to sustainably justify unwarranted spending on defence while unemployment is rising on the one hand and tax receipts are falling.

Mali as a state or what remains of it is fully compromised as new internal forces will be joggling for positions towards reconfiguration of their polity. Initial contests will be between pro and anti-intervention/devaluation. Only time will determine if parity will emerge with Libya on the scale of destruction. There is chance that low level conflicts will continue even after US/NATO complete their mission as Cote D’Ivoire example plays out.

The biggest loser is ECOWAS whose lack of foresight, absence of leadership and total underwhelming of the situation only confirmed that regional groups of this calibre are simply cosmetic. Not even Nigeria whose foreign policy from inception acknowledged French encirclement acted honourably! Their raison d’etre is wholly compromised, lacking in strategic identity and is deformed ontologically.

Nevertheless there are opportunities from this event in the potential settlement of accounts between the two main geopolitical powers, US and China. In this conflict European powers or what remain of them have confirm their puerility and death keel. In the near future settlement US will be forced to confront China directly in Africa in the same manner it acquiesced in 1972 Richard Nixon summit with Chairman Mao. The trigger being acceptance that proxy war against Beijing via Vietnam was lost.

As Pliny, the Roman scholar/politician said of Africa, “Something new always comes out of Africa”. A positive new for the benefit of Africa and Africans is expected to turn round the corner of time after the reign of human intervention or rather human devaluation.



Weakening Extended Family Ties in Igboland

While economic and political issues take centre stage in discourses, social and cultural dimensions are not always given crowded attention. Nevertheless we are social in everything. The Christmas holiday opens another seasonal mass cities abandonment or rather short-term movement from the cities within and beyond Igboland to extra-urban locations in Igboland. This act by many can be summaries as family visits or revisitations to ancestral lands by individuals and members of extended families. The destination is held by extended families.

The focus of this paper is to draw out emerging pattern of weakening extended family ties, the context and timing of the emergence, potential contributors to the emergence and implications.

I have observed a gradual shift in the weight and expression of extended families in various parts of Igboland in the last 2 decades. While the bulk of the instituition remains in various forms there are new intrusions into its fabric with challenging niches. In addition it must be acknowledged that the concept of extended family is an old institution akin to Igboness. This is expressed primarily in the word, Nwanne/Nwanna. It is a unisex pronoun denoting brother or sister in a nuclear and or extended family. A qualifying adjective indicating possession or even gender doesn’t always clarify the geography as suggested in Nwanne m/Nwanna m, Nwanne m nwoke (male)/Nwanne m nwanyi (female). 

Gender qualification is unnecessary with Nwanna. This doesn’t in any way suggest diminished nuclear relationship against extended family relations. Everyone is entitled to knowing their origin however the sentiment for an experience greater than nuclear family is always overhanging. Anyway nuclear family is limited.

This currency of Nwanne/Nwanna relationship is always strong in perception and application until recently in Igboland and in the diaspora. Its application is stronger in the diaspora even though successful or mutually beneficial outcomes vary over time and space.

For various reasons the tenacity of extended families is on a gradual decline which has accelerated in the last 3 decades. There are increasing examples of extended families where communication gap within and between generations is as wide as Atlantic Ocean even in the age of information and communication technologies. The generations that seem to be less keen in maintaining extended family relationships are not isolated and premeditated but are schooled in the art by the preceding generation. In any case one can surmised that the generations that received the best from the ancients have unashamedly stabbed the body of value that made them. They are protagonists of intensive nuclearisation of family ties.

Reasons

Reasons abound for this gradual transformation. Economy cannot be dismissed. First of all the transformation of economy from agricultural to industrial and services mostly located in the few urban centre meant that young men and women travelled far from home to earn a living. In the process new relationships are formed (including with those of other ethnicity), new urban values are picked up, ancestral homes become point of seasonal visitation and even for children socialisation is mostly urban. In the days of limited communication technology, seasonal physical presence sufficed still at great cost for large families.

The second reason is lack of education. This has nothing to do with formal or academic learning. The evolution of economic structures and increased movement across distances was received as the new norm without constructed process focused on collective discussion of benefits and implications. A reactive disposition where actors are rather observers of their acts seem to be welcomed without hesitation. Of course in the case of ‘economy stupid’ he/she who pays the piper dictates the tune as attention is focused on him/her without dissent or intervention.

An important aspect to this development is bound to history. Violent penetration of Igbo heartland by Nigeria-Biafra War was not just a cathartic experience but an inter-generational pain wound up unceremoniously. Arid victory of the victor! It was brutal conclusion with pregnant consequences on the social, cultural and spiritual dimensions of Igboland. While no-victor no vanquished rang the air, dispossessed individuals and families sought survival and stability of one and all in a new economy. Though young and strong, most lacked basic skills required in the workplace so did the best in the ‘republic of hard labour’.

As hard labour economy grew and fell the ‘weak’ had little option but to return to the one place his/her rights are secure and indisputable. By 1982 Shagari administration introduced austerity measures, everything came back full circle. The finite communal and extended families land parcels in Igboland which were previously left to ‘others’ became focus of wider attention. Inter-generational and intra-generational clashes exploded across the land. Land disputes became headline news with unique circus of events which to all intents and purposes turned into a security issue with parties seeking protection, justice and revenge respectively ‘by any means necessary’.

As a result many extended families ended up in many courts of law wasting huge scarce resources as the local family courts buckled under pressure of compromise and or lost credibility. Irrespective of court verdicts, contaminated extended family relationships went downhill. Outcomes include increased isolation of nuclear families through limited interaction or what I refer to as factional interaction, terrorisation of private space i.e. high fencing, celebration of fear and reconfiguration of nuclear family modus operandi in the community. In the bid to ‘protect’ the family, the next generation were inadvertently schooled into ‘isolation’ tactics. Such schooling and behaviour emanating from it can be seen as continuation of conflict by other means.

The curious picture of this sad development which is very young is the fact that the previous generation and the ancients had peculiar structures for conflict resolution in the laws and constitutions. However it must be acknowledged that in the zeal to give opposing member of the extended family ‘technical knockout’, local and ancient structures were defiled, abused in rejection and relegated for the new valued legal structures in the proud bid to obtain justice with residual projection of power.

Implications

Weakening pattern is mostly denoted in those born post Nigeria-Biafra War and concentrated on those born a decade later. Like all new trends it is struggling to make impact at this stage and its future trajectory is uncertain however one thing is clear. The currency of weak extended family is sustained by maintaining urban residence, limitation of communication with umunnadi (kinsfolk) and limitation of physical presence in ancestral homes.  Nevertheless this success is one sided and complex because while ‘students’ of new isolation cannot be strictly censured, their isolation is always punctured when the need for extended family windfall is inevitable like marriage arrangements.

Isolation is an aberration. Fragmentation of extended families is a fatal consequence. The first impact is gradual loss of identity for ‘students’ firsts and then their children i.e. the 2^nd generation. The self-belief that achievement is sustained by isolation is delusional because core determinant of effort is underpinned by social capital in various relationships. While it is crucial to understand origin, it is dangerous to avoid other branches of a genealogy even in one’s age group. Such danger manifests in cases of emergency where dependable members of isolated nuclear families are absent to act with purpose when required.

Secondly the collective development of peoples including and not limited to extended families suffers from lack of input, resources and process. The hallmark of advanced and advancing communities is solidarity and dense social capital. It doesn’t only happen in China, Turkey, Brazil and United States.

Thirdly there is a confusion of this development with trend along western lines. This is another delusion. For countries of Western Europe where currently family, nuclear and extended are no longer priority; the transformation reconfigured family into a large concentration of networked relationship called state. In the state every individual or citizen is recognised, recorded (from conception to death) and has a place. This is the basis of Mussolini’s definition of state; everything in it, nothing against it and nothing outside of it. Of course this view has been muddle with violence and repression but bear in mind that no state tolerates dissent even the Vatican, hence every state is totalitarian.

In a political geography devoid of active state in the real sense, the highest collective expression of close relationship is the extended family. Even if the state becomes viable later, extended family provides another layer of richness for success of one and all. One can surmise that those caught in the ‘labyrinth’ between weak state and weak extended families have 2 options. Increase participation in extended family or hybridise into new network that cannot fulfil irreplaceable extended family functions.

A grave outcome is the emergence of absentee first sons or Opara gba aka ofo. This is a serious outcome in many nuclear and extended families where shoulders of responsibility have repudiate their erstwhile duties. Ofo knows who holds it and whoever holds it must deliver. Of course there are first sons who are present and inactive nevertheless this doesn’t diminish the scope, function and expectation on the office of Nwaopara/Okpara (first son).  Family name and honour is at stake in such circumstances within and beyond the community. Examples are many where extended families and communities have lost heavily as a result having an ‘isolate’ member in position of influence who buffers his/her community against progressive potential/outcomes of his/her position.

Lastly there is incentive that weakening of extended family ties will intensify not only for reasons of its inception but for the increasing gap between urban and extra-urban areas in term of economy, quality of life and fulfilment of aspirations. The expectation that technologies will accelerate increased interaction confuses the fact the technologies are not agencies rather depends on (human) agency to fulfil its functions. It is down to isolates to reactivate their agencies in rich networks of dense and reliable social capital of ageless distinction like extended families. This is an institution that has stood the test of time nourishing generations. It will be sad for it to be dismantled in one crazy generation.

Rochas vs Imo State University

The latest news coming out of Owerri has confirmed that Governor Rochas Okorocha has sacked the Acting Vice-Chancellor of Imo State University, Prof B.E.B. Nwoke. This is the second sacking of an Acting Chief of the university by the same governor. While details of such decision remain unclear with no chagrin to wait for its emergence the contours on its implications are bare. Subsequent paragraphs will attempt to shed light on some of the implications as well as on apparent contradictions of the current government on education.

In the first instance it is nothing short of lunacy to expect praise and congratulations in repeated sacking of Imo State Acting Vice-Chancellors without serious excuse. It is abnormal, questionable and disrespectful of citizens. It is even worse than Argentina sacking 5 presidents in 3 days during their economic crisis few years ago. Unfortunately the first victim of this inglorious act is the governor who has without incentive damaged the little reputation remaining in his portfolio. Of course the same applies to Imo State and the university. This is clear indication that the governor is not a serious players and above all has no clear understanding of the strategic roles and functions of a university. 

For a governor who pledged the growth of the state as his priority, dismantling huge legacy of state architecture is no worse than incest. There are few things Imo State is known for at the global stage, education seats at the top. Not just producing high quality citizens with world-class education but possessing world-class educational outposts. Now the governor has risen to the occasion to prove his critic right of his strategic imbecility. The subtext is that the university cannot have a substantive vice-chancellor under his watch. 

Instead of extending performance and excellence which requires huge resources to enable it engage in research in broad swathes of specialisations, this university has been reduced to the state of glorified high school only fit for producing at best conveyor-belt products who are condemned to struggle in graduate life. Why is this the case? Well, various administrations refused to inject necessary resources and investment through strategic myopics of previous governors which the current one simply and happily rehashes.

Some of highly needed resources include uninterrupted staff salaries, state-of-the-art-library stocking current publications in hard and soft copies, subscriptions to leading journals from around the world especially from emerging economies, equipment of laboratories, active connection to regional/global research communities and providing funding for research institutes especially on Igbo Language, Igbo Culture and Igbo Knowledge preservation. On the last subjects the governor made recent noises about using Igbo Language in public discourse without back up. Of course it is common knowledge that our language is not received by us as a vehicle of intellectual engagement and research, medium of written transmission and dissemination of knowledge talk less of being the parallel medium of documenting day-to-day activity of governance. Poisonous virus of colonialism clung unto by the stupid!

There is strong tradition of contradiction in the current government which allows one the luxury to juxtapose soundbits and real policy implementation. It seem more likely that we are exposed to experimentation in governance or even further a disinteresting governance charade without pretence whose time has come. Total rejection of citizens and above all intellectual activity is both obvious and a product. It is unprecedented and we are living with it. One wonders the level of decadence this government will stoop next. Nevertheless it remains clear that this government will not even get close to challenging the honourable legacy of Chief Same Mbakwe's legacy in progressive education.

Unfortunately, one cannot be in two places at the same time. Imo State cannot be a great state or serious player in the global South without an active heartbeat of productive intellectual life situated in its own space. Imo State University must be a world renowned research university that attracts the best from around the world. Only serious governance, clear vision and strategic investment will deliver. This government will not deliver. At a time of serious positive changes in global South linked to internally generated resources, advancement in governance and liberation from imposed shackles, this government is rather retrogressively playing blindness to reality at the expense of citizens. The 3rd Acting Vice-Chancellor will not doubt be unsurprisingly shown the door in time. 

Every society has its good, bad and ugly. Sadly what we are witnessing is the rendition of ugly governance script of our humanity through mismanagement of expectations in Imo State University whose time has come and fortunately whose time to go will also come.