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| Burkina Faso - The Land of Upright People |
Introduction
The purpose of the article is to
extract the juice of Ouagadougou’s geopolitical machination of almost 3
decades. Beyond the ‘frenzy’ of recent past peoples’ revolt in Burkina Faso
which in itself is not spontaneous that led to the resignation of erstwhile
president, Blaise Compaore, a number of important issues remain in the
geopolitical black box.
While French
media among Western outlets refer to him as a mediator, and refer to Burkinabes
secondarily as poor probably based
on a devalued and devaluing US dollar; on the contrary the measure of events
indicates that those contested labels are red herrings. Lastly the
non-spontaneous response of Burkinabes is not for democracy; it is for
something far deeper than Western media constructed outcomes. This is essential
mostly for African observers who doggedly refuse to reconstruct ill-fated
political views received under violent impositions of imperialistic
assumptions.
In the Historical Wider
Beginning
Then Upper Volta (Haute-Volta)
was part of colonial French West Africa manipulated from Paris with a combined
initiative to extract her human & natural resources for the sustenance of
the empire while holding the people down with civilisation-stripping policy of
assimilation. Assimilation as a policy
can be summarised as a strategic ploy to institutionally eliminate Africans historically,
culturally and civilisationally to be recreated with new imposed French civilisation
which is constructed as the raison d’être of French deluded mission of civilisation. For the French Africans including Upper Voltans were only as good as what can be extracted from them by violence
and not in the essence of usefulness to their people and as a people. See map below.
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| Map of Colonial Africa |
When WW2 eliminated French
pretension of empire, Paris reconstructed her strategic initiative to run and
maintain an empire based on her colonial possessions. French political elite understood perfectly
well that without Africa the essence of France evaporates. Georges Clemenceau
was the embodiment of this policy earlier at the end of WW1 and fought tirelessly
against naive Woodrow Wilson’s post-WW1 geopolitical infatuations. (Read A Shattered Peace by David Andelman).
Empire was the crux of WW1 and as one winner, Paris held fast to her prized
possessions.
Post-WW2 finally lifted the veil
of geopolitical intransigence which among other things stripped France and
United Kingdom of any clout and coupled with entry of new geopolitical players
in town. So the 2nd fiddler, France, cemented her colonial
credentials in Africa and Asia. By the time General Charles De Gaulle arrived
in Paris of course with a panache for racism against Africa(ns) initially
displayed in public after the liberation of Paris in his refusal to allow African
troops who contributed to partake in the parade, the die was cast. Better
understanding of his geopolitical initiatives and designs on Africa is better
presented in a biased 2-volume biography by Jean Lacouture, De Gaulle: The Rebel 1890 – 1994 & De Gaulle: The Ruler 1945 – 1970.
Conakry & Sekou Toure’s ‘Non'
By the time of De Gaulle’s 2nd
‘missionary journey’ at Elysee Palace, there is little room for France to
project power in Europe. USSR is already
at the door slicing off eastern half of Europe while United States is dominant
on the West. Some of French colonial possessions including Algeria and Vietnam
are becoming restive and combustible from long inhuman imperialist policies in
addition to war pacifications ordered by De Gaulle which resulted in the genocide
of many Africans in various parts of French colonial Africa. (Read Wretched
of the Earth by Franz Fanon).
So by 1958 as the so-called negative ‘wind of
change’ blew across Africa, De Gaulle crafted a carrot & stick policy of
holding down African colonies. De Gaulle didn't refrain at using unchecked violence
to forestall Africa’s self determination. (Read Algeria: France Undeclared War by Martin Evans).
One must appreciate that the
level of French economic, social and infrastructural investments across her
possession where pittance. This is even
acute in landlocked areas like then Upper Volta. Mind you with assimilation,
the best and promising Africans like Cote d’Ivorie’s Houphouet Boigny are
shipped to Paris to become French in all things, so these lands where hamstrung
to take any independence initiative in geopolitical isolation and economic
limitation. Ideologically the world was bifurcated between communism and
not-so-free market.
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| Independence of former French Colonies (in red F) |
When in 1958 De Gaulle
deceptively offered independence to African colonies with onerous conditions
including unfettered exploitation of natural resources, only Amadou Sekou Toure
of Guinea jumped at the offer with a categorical ‘Non’ to French rule. See map above for
pattern of independence and Guinea’s temporal isolation. De Gaulle did everything in his power including rabid reconstruction of history, using violence to destabilise, attack and
reverse Guinea’s vote for self-determination via his African Czar, Jacques Foccart & his Foccart Network. Guinea was perceived as reactionary to Paris designs therefore needed to be cut
to size. The rest of African leaders including Maurice Yameogo (later the first
president) and Houphouet Boigny played for time. Houphouet Boigny, a man of means and influence
for the French project was married with daughters.
Neocolonial Independence and
Underlings
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| Independent African Countries |
By the time Upper Volta gained
independence in 1960 it was already in a position of political and economic weakness
due to unfavourable terms of independence which include but not limited to dependence
on Paris, a military pact that stationed French troops in Ouagadougou,
subjection of internal, foreign, and economic affairs to Paris oversight.
Coupled with the fact of having a smaller population, being landlocked with 6 neighbours,
part sahelian, part desert and left alone as French sphere of influence by
other Western powers, Ouagadougou was stymied for a while.
Devoid of ethnic conflict,
political power remained partly stable over time. However within the sub-region,
Cote d’Ivorie rose to become the dominant power in the French area. Senegal
under Leopold Senghor chose a path of sublime radicalism without disrupting
relationship with Paris. President Houphouet Boigny saw his country as the
epicentre of West African affairs and hub of French interest as a keen product
of assimilation. Read Black Skin White
Mask by Franz Fanon. With French collaboration and assistance Cote d’Ivorie
gradually became an economic hub based on cocoa, other agricultural produce and
natural resources.
In addition Cote d’Ivorie felt
constrained by the perception that Guinea and Ghana on the eastern and western borders, who shared ideological and
geopolitical positions were potential flashpoints of stability & higher geopolitical
profile. The reason for this disposition was the fact that these countries
sought the assistance of Moscow & Peking for economic development. These
countries never tilted politically towards communism. So to advance Abidjan
ambitions, relationships with Paris and Washington DC were elevated and in
return CIA found fertile ground to culminate regime change in Accra which was
successfully accomplished in 1966 while Nkrumah was on official visit to
Vietnam. History will take catastrophic
revenge decades later on Cote d’Ivorie.
Structural Adjustment West
African Branch
By the 1980s a number of events
converged to challenge power structures of Upper Volta. Under the singular
influence of Paris, it suffered the 1970s destructive Sahelian drought and with
limited scope for developing the productive sector ran up massive foreign debts
under Paris Club/World Bank. With a gradual reversal of French economic fortunes
and de-linking of erstwhile economic relationship against an isolated country,
the leadership was faced with complicated problems.
Various army factions took
power at various times until Captain Thomas Sankara arrived Ouagadougou in 1983
with fresh air at the age of 34. His emphasis was economic development and
political solidity based on independence in internal affairs, free hand in
foreign policy, foreign debt rejection/repudiation, prioritisation of local
industries, zero-tolerance to corruption and increased political awareness of
citizens. The debt repudiation suggestion made him enemies in the West.
His government tried within 4
years of his administration to redirect Upper Volta which he now renamed
Burkina Faso (Land of Upright People) along the above stated lines and these
policies upset powerful domestic and foreign interests. His popularity across
Africa and many other parts of the world who have been chaffing under the
weight of Washington Consensus was overwhelming. His policy of non-alignment including perceived closeness to Havana was
not welcomed by Washington DC and Paris. In West Africa, Cote d’Ivorie was
alarmed by this development moreso for the increasing geopolitical profile of a small country and a younger leader. Even the then French President Mitterrand publicly
expressed concern at Sankara foreign policy choices.
From a geopolitical viewpoint
there are missed dimensions in the Burkina Faso discourse. Given the fact that it
is landlocked, given the fact that its economic footprint is small within the
region and within French West African sub-region, given that it is expected to orient unwavering towards Paris direction; a mental image developed that quarantined this country
in the minds of statesmen and diplomats. Nevertheless the fact remains that
geopolitically and temporally, Burkina Faso and Captain Thomas Sankara were
isolated.
Sankara was exposed seriously and
he expressed his impending mortality without restriction. Positive political
and economic developments are imperfect and the suggestion that an international
revolution can be sustained in isolation is far-fetched. His murder in 1987 by his successor was not
triggered by internal affairs errors rather by power hunger (with foreign
encouragement) of his trusted ally, then Captain Blaise Compaore whose wife is
one of Cote d’Ivorie president’s (Houphouet Boigny) daughters. With the coup,
the coup leader’s wife became the First Lady of state for nearly 3 decades.
Post-Sankara and Jewel of
Landlockness
2 important developments
accompanied post-Sankaran rule in Burkina Faso. The first was reconstructing erstwhile
alliance dismantled by President Thomas Sankara. These policies reflected in
the promotion of Paris & Washington Consensus, and recalibrating
relationship with regional power, Cote d’Ivorie, of whom the new leader is a
son-in-law. The second strategy was repositioning Burkina Faso in a new
geopolitical environment that allows it enhanced visibility especially when the
opportunity arrives.
Let us expand our view of the
second strategy. Every neighbourhood consist of hierarchy of powers and no two
countries share the same relative power. All cannot be weak and all cannot be
strong. Some weak states will feed off the powerful ones far and near. The new
government with filial relationships between the leader of the most powerful
country (Cote d’Ivorie) in the sub-sub-region was bound to reflect some the
latter’s potency. Not only that, it was also disposed to reflect even stronger
influence from the higher powers (Paris & Washington DC) from which the strong regional power draws
legitimacy.
Operationalisation of
opportunistic projection of influence is effected at the behest of stronger
power far and near who identify, plan, implement and monitor most of an
influencing project in the sub-region.
These opportunistic influences enabled by distant powerful states allows
Ouagadougou to play reflexive 2nd fiddle, deliver its bargain, consolidate
power and maintain unchallenged power by any means necessary including maintaining semblance of deoxygenated democracy so
far the distant powers continue support and assistance.
As a landlocked country, civilian and
military air transport is the only means allowing it to implements its phase of
any project. It is also important to dismantle the myth that desert is an
obstructer of movement. There is no evidence of such rather this mental
disposition has enabled in many quarters total dismissal of actual huge
movement of men and machines across desert borders between countries.
Epicentre of Regional Destabilisation
While French media imposed its
own of reflexive corruption in referring to Blaise Compaore as a regional ‘mediator’, what is missing is the true narrative of conflicts that enabled his erstwhile
‘peacemaking’. Although in such byline, France24 only confirmed what is already
know in public about French collusion to maintain its fading illusion of empire
in Africa. He was a merchant of death!
As stated earlier the
construction of a geopolitics based on opportunity for influence projection in
the sub-region allowed Ouagadougou to flexibly punch above her weight while
dynamically assuming various roles aside from 2nd fiddle between her
and her handlers in Washington DC and Paris. A number of conflicts in the
region established Blaise Compaore as the enfant terrible of West Africa
geopolitics.
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| Outflows of Instability from Burkina Faso Under President Blaise Compaore |
It is a fact that Burkina Faso
under Compaore facilitated, assisted and hosted Charles Taylor in his bid to
take power in Liberia which resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands of
innocent civilians. This assistance was coordinated in full knowledge and at times with cooperation of the French government.
Interestingly Compaore used the good offices of his father-in-law to transfer
rebel troops and equipments through Cote d’Ivorie territory into Liberia.
Following the demise of President
Houphouet Boigny instability descended on his beloved Cote d’ Ivorie and this
country reverted to destruction. His exit from the political landscape and lack
of credible successor opened the door wide open for Ouagadougou to reconstruct
new alliances with potential leaders of the country. As Cote d’Ivoire boiled in
2000s, Compaore exploited and aligned with former Prime Minister Alasanne
Ouatarra and New Forces rebels to seek for power through the barrel of the
gun. Houphouet Boigny must have rolled in
his grave!
Ouagadougou facilitated, assisted
and directed resources towards the country’s instability in connivance with
Paris including arranging stop-gap peace summits to allow the rebels breathing
space until the final push by the French who violently removed Laurent Gbagbo
from power. It is no surprise that the new Cote d’Ivorie president is firmly
under Paris thumb print. Alasanne Ouattara welcomed Compaore immediately after his exit.
There are evidence that Blaise
Compaore used his office to contribute to Sierra Leone instability by sponsoring,
facilitating, assisting and providing training and equipments to Foday Sankoh
in return for illicit diamond and other natural resources. This was finessed with another ally rebel-turned-president
of Liberia, Charles Taylor. Sierra Leone continues to suffer from the
genocide that took place in the war. It must be asserted that wars in Cote
d’Ivorie, Liberia and Sierra Leone were outcomes of collapse of internal
leadership and poverty of strategic initiative which was exploited by various
rebels which in turn were exploited by Blaise Compaore.
Lastly, it is a known fact that Boko
Haram is not an isolated group and an allegation by Nigerian government against
Burkina Faso's alleged sponsorship and to have their bases in Burkina Faso closed
was rebuffed vigorously by Blaise Compaore.
It is equally interesting to observe how among other sly operations under the
rubric of US Africa Command (USAFRICOM), United States in the name of ‘war on
terrorism’ established military/drone bases in West Africa; in Niamey Niger and
in Ouagadougou Burkina Faso.
These are subtle manifestation of Asia Pivot against China which is implemented
across Africa wherever China has strategic investments to forestall Beijing mineral
resources supply from Africa. 2011 NATO’s violent destruction of Libya and
murder of his leader and peoples calls to mind.
Phased Peoples Opposition
While the people of Burkina Faso
have been chaffing under the erstwhile administration for almost 3 decades and
finally boiled over for him to give up, BBC and French media continued to deny
their agency and ability rather paint an inglorious picture of a conflict-maniac
as peace maker. Above all, Western media has taken a dodged position in
referring to Burkinabes as poor. This is repeated over and over again. Burkina Faso people are rich economically,
culturally and historically and probably on a good day will refuse
subordination to foreign powers.
The critical element which may be
the main outcome of this situation as the dust settles is acknowledgement of
losses. Of course Burkina Faso military cannot assume any legitimate claim to
power since the overthrow was people-instigated and people-executed. Since
Burkina Faso is not and has not engaged in civil war, her potential is higher.
Their key to the future is avoiding such conflict whenever it is imposed and
excluding France from her strategic decision making. This is stated clearly because the
main loser of this phase is France. The language will remain but other vestiges
of French institutional influence need to decline. The military pact is regressive and
outmoded for the times although the US base will survive. If African democracy
of the 21st century must flourish, then it doesn't require
French military legitimacy, an instrument of cold war ideological strategy.
Dynamic Final
Furthermore, despite Paris
pretences she can no longer afford its hand-on approach to African politics
because of its continuing economic weightlessness. Paris aggressive choices on
the African continent be it in Cote d’Ivorie, Libya, Mali and Central Africa
Republic are staples of unstoppable haemorrhage. While the disposition of illusory friendship
mirrors elite observation, Africans see no friend in Paris. Over time Paris
will throw in the towel because she has become poor. Quai d’orsay expectation
that the strategy of ‘playing from the front for US to lead from the rear’ will
be rewarded is foolhardy. US don’t reward countries unless there is total
subservience.
Curiously beyond France losses,
United States have moved closer to and away from her previous ambivalence
toward Africa with a new direct military geopolitics as part of recolonisation of
Africa’s mineral resources geostrategy a la Asia Pivot against China. With US military bases in Bamako,
Ouagadougou and Niamey, progress is made towards final preparation of potential
show down with Beijing in Africa. On this point future administrations in
Ouagadougou cannot resist US overtures.
In the final analysis, Burkina
Faso will be active and vibrant in the neighbourhood albeit with a reduced
profile. It will have stable profile where many countries in the neighbourhood
have been disabled by internal conflicts her former president contributed to. The
only concern is how future administrations will manage the economy file and the strategic China file, as these policies will
be the contentious potential for combustion more so if Burkina Faso possesses
commercial quantities of mineral resources.
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