Confusing centres of power in Igboland political geography

Introduction

Political geography is not a popular discourse in Igboland despite its evidence across the land and her people. Nevertheless its evidence and dynamics has mutated in the last century and increasingly in the last 50 years to the point of being considered confusing. The confusion is inserted to account for yawning gap between expectation of umunnadi-actors and observed outcomes of the imposed geographies. The purpose of this piece is to present a partial treatment of the geographies at play, the patterns, relationships and misalignment with the help of a schema of geographies above.

Pre-Colonial Delineations
Debate on Igboland and Ndigbo regarding politics and power has always taken the negative to the point of reduction hence Igbo history, Igbo politics and Igbo studies remains off-limit in primary, secondary and tertiary education. To an extent this has been justified in some quarters as an opportunity to impose new structures for unfortunate historical updates. 

Nevertheless there is an exhaustive study on Ndigbo and Igboland on the number of graduate dissertations, scholarly publications and some books. More is required. Some of the controversy is generated on the status of Igboland as a state (probably in the Westphalian sense) and on the depth of its centralisation. On the latter there is the quick latch on the republican nature of Ndigbo as if it is a universal testament across communities. Effort is not to be wasted as such here.

However political power in Igboland is intrinsically territorial whether community is patrilineal or matrilineal. While there is no overarching centralised leadership there is no doubt of territorial integrity of Igbo nation for millennia. There is clear and unequivocal expression of spatial consistency of a people and various powers especially political power. Power in essence is spatially defined beyond indeterminate nature of individuals due to their incessant mobility. 

The smallest unit of clustering is Atuobi (household) headed by a husband and is fixed and generational. Various households of common ancestry is headed by the most senior in age as Opara/Okpara/Onye ji ofo but units smaller than kindred are equally acknowledged. Members of different households of common ancestry cluster into Mbam (kindred) headed by the most senior in age. Mbam is not always contiguous as residential needs makes for extra-territorial expansion on either communal or private plots.

It must be noted that embodiment of political and judicial powers in husbands, first sons and senior elders doesn’t confer total power to them. Each of them is associated with geographies where their essence is most pronounced in space as Obi, Obiri, Obiriama, Ogbakoro or Ogige. Obi can be technically and loosely conflated with seating/living room in modern architecture. 

Obiri or Obiriama is situated with the inner land at the residence of the most senior elder although this obvious in most households. Various mbam constitute Ama (village) which is mostly linear in the last 100 years. Contrast patterns could be obtains at older settlements (okpulo). The capital of each ama is Ogbakoro, Ogige Ogbako or Ebe Ogbako.  

This is the ‘centre’ of village life and every member of the village has access. Collective decisions of politics, law, territory and economy are made on this spot. There is no distinction between executive, legislative and judicial undertaking in this space.  It is a unique place and extraordinarily that as court of justice, political office, parliament, consultation place, festival spot, spiritual point and not a market. 

Casual observation of few of them across locations identified patterns similar to bends or neck connecting 2 parts of a village. It is spacious enough to accommodate every member of the village. It is apt that religious space is distinct and specially invested for primary access and permission of the priest/Onyejishi ala/Onyejishi Agbara.

Different Ama constitutes a town/mba. Care must be taken that this is rather not a functional description but a normative denotation of settlement. Each town/mba has a ‘centre’ where collective political, judicial, legislative, economic, social and spiritual issues are debated and decided. Across the board and above household level, men dominate debates and decisions however individuals and groups are represented in deliberations. At times women, groups of adults and youth congregate and make decision impacting communities not necessarily at the village and town ‘centres’. 

Dates of events are announced in advance except in emergencies, attendance in good time is mandatory (contrary to students of African time) and decisions made therein are binding. Presentations and representations are not masked by specialisation and profession in (political) parties. Distance between residences and each ‘centre’ increases with level in hierarchy nevertheless no one is isolated. It is important that in communities with matrilineal lineage, participation of women in collective decision making at the ‘centre’ is reflected in their higher numbers.

Town in various parts of Igboland may constitute or formally engage in loose confederations depending on common interest, common ancestry and common boundary. Leadership is not imposed rather agreed by consensus. 

Colonial Tidings
Colonisation is a testament to conquest and vanquish of Igboland economically, politically, militarily and spiritually by an external stronger force. The territorial integrity was hijacked for foreign interest and in essence triggers up new cartographic and spatial delineations to accelerate new interests. The implication was enormous and remains potent to this today. 

It doesn’t remove that fact the pre-colonial geographies are original, indigenous, people-oriented and internally generated for collective interest. The new geographies are imposed, non-negotiated, mostly non-coterminous and will ever remain contested. It is clear that imposed geographies attempt without success to claim legitimacy from the organic spatial outlays. 

Christianity emerged into foray in the bid to ‘bring the gospel’ to the heathen. My perspective is defined by Catholic spatial structures. Fact remains that captains of Christianity at the time were neither neutral nor disinterested in the melee or mayhem towards ‘mass conversion’ of Igboland. This was centuries after the most heinous crime of trans-Atlantic enslavement of Africans sanctioned by Christianity as crystallized in Bartholomew de la Casas attempt to mitigate American Indians suffering by his suggesting Africans as convenient strategic solution. If American Indians were human enough to be spared, then Africans including Ndigbo are inhuman to be saved. He was referred to as Saviour of American Indians! Probably the Scourge of Africans!

The ‘evangelisation’ project involved peculiar spatial criteria especially where imposition is confused with ‘divine’ will to cement centralisation for a global network. This means that onye Igbo nwere okwukwe fits into a 4 stage schema – individual, parish, diocese and world (Vatican) in a funnel-like structure. The new boundaries are not coterminous with the original rather are disconnected from it as a priority for consolidation. 

The operational and function constrains on Ndigbo is challenging because of an expected hybrid geography with anticipated outcome for the new imposition with fledgling of theocracy which upset dominant worldview. Despite generational pulsation of diocese and parish sizes, it is clear that faithful are deformed spatially or isolated from a realistic view point hence priests/church are always far away. There is clear expectation that legitimacy will be drawn from the indigenous spatial template of Igboland. 

Until recently parish centres/priests are always delimited away from settlements/communities in essence a physical gap inevitably emerges as a result mostly in extra-urban areas. In recent times some parishes are becoming coterminous to a single town/mba. Of course there were or are reasons. Dioceses centre run by a bishop is mentally located as far as Jerusalem, Rome and Egypt respectively. 

Post-Independence Bonanza
Independence brought home another litany of spatial reconfigurations almost every decade till the present. Nevertheless one must be mindful that what happened after the UK-Unilever business deal that delivered Nigeria only set the scene of an umbrella without internal consistency. Between 1914 and 1960 retrogressive cartographical investments can be perceived from their large spread and obvious displacement from the peoples or rather subjects. Whether you call it South or Eastern Region with or without sub-division, Igboland only hung on to puerile geographies that principally relegate the home base.

The hierarchical demotion continued with post-independence administrators & leaders who have continued the onslaught on spatial reconfigurations starting with conflict-imposed balkanisation of Eastern region in 1967 to 1976 emergence of Imo and Anambra States. Without totally condemning these acts of national dissection, one can only bizarrely watch the yawning gap between the people and potentials of the new boundaries. Of course the numbers increased again with addition of Abia, Ebonyi and Enugu States. 

While the national boundary of Igboland is acknowledged, the internal outlines and sub-divisions denoted in local governments and wards have continued to defy reason in their inability to bring resources to the majority and vice versa. As structures imposed by (top-down) fiat, absence of productive connection with the original leaves the new geographies without legitimacy and functional consistency. 

Igboland internal geographies are rather mangled together in reaching out beyond it for interests in the Nigerian project via senatorial zones and federal representative areas. What is obvious is that the expectations of these new geographies are that their centres seem puzzling as their collective purposes disheartening.  Of course resources continue to reach them from the Federation Account and other accounts for ‘settlements’ and proverbial 10 per centres. In some cases the centres never existed or apparently ooze of periphery as personality politics decimated their rightful expression of public benefits to associated populations. 

What obtains is an ever increasing distance between umunna and multiple centres of power devoid of centre and power that only confirms that their centres are no longer holding. It is better for umunna to focus attention on pregnant clouds than hope for crumbs thrown away of a less stingy table from an expected centre of power. Another option is to reclaim and or modify these boundaries and their centres regardless of their levels in hierarchy to their rightful designations towards active responsibility to umunna on the ground.

The Future After Pope Benedict XI

The unexpected but not unusual news that Pope Benedict XI is resigning at the end of the month has unleashed the usual frenzy in mainstream media chattering about the usual short-attention span platitudes. As a matter of fact and record, he’s not the first pope to resign showing that all popes do not die in office. Nevertheless the man must be congratulated for his courage and humility in defying centuries-long tradition. In a sense the pope in modern era most associated with tradition and orthodoxy has shown revolutionary streak by displaying that nothing is set in stone and that the Church is more about Spirit than contingent predictable matter. Lessons of history!

This timely announcement carries a lot of strategic implications for the Church globally. As cardinals prepare for the next conclave in the next few weeks without mourning, there is no doubt issues confronting the church will be laid bare. More so in a fast changing world, there is great necessity for the Church to renew herself to be in the driving seat.  Some of the issues that one expects in the new pope’s purview will include but not limited to the following;

-          Relationship with the South. The last 2 decades has opened up positive political and socio-economic experiences in many parts of the South i.e. Africa, South America and Asia. Many governments are reflecting the will of their peoples; economic development and economic growth are rising with increased investment on social and public services. In parallel Europe the erstwhile centre of economic power is in decline. This is the first time in Church history that its primary environment has fallen behind economically. In addition it must be stated that Europe’s church attendance decline, decreasing birth rate and declining population signify that Church’s soul has left the continent. It is now in the South.  The new pope needs to confront this reality with maturity and wisdom towards an enhanced relationship.

-          Dormancy (and at times deafening silence) of National Bishop Councils. As the world changes in power configuration with multipolarity becoming the clear platform of geopolitics, the new pope must advance nuanced flexibility towards enhancing the profile of national churches. This means national churches must not suffer no more at the expense of Vatican diplomacy. Active participation of the hierarchy in the political, socio-economic and cultural development of their countries is long over-due without the burden of being frozen out or labelled Marxist.

-          Sustainable moral authority in national political spaces. The new pope must appreciate the complexity of self-determination and aspiration of majority in pursuing their political needs. On a number of occasions, Vatican has made questionable diplomatic judgements which alienated many faithful in some countries e.g. apparent understanding of 1973 Gen Pinochet’s bloody coup against an elected government in Chile, recognition of coup-engineered Paraguayan government in 2012, 'allowing' defiance of Venezuelan hierarchy in openly supporting coup d’état against a democratically elected government in 2002 among others.

-          Rising of Islamist destabilisation. The convergence of interest between western military power and islamist assets has unleashed a new dimension of instability especially in Middle East and Africa. It will be appropriate for the new pope to renew dialogue with Islamic authorities towards negotiation based on life-giving theological experiences that stems the tide of violence in many countries. Such an opportunity allows renewed dialogue with Islam on increasing destabilisation purported in its name.

-          Relationship with China. The new pope must quickly fine-tune progressive diplomacy of engagement with China. One of the factors preventing a nuanced engagement is the historical baggage over China’s escape from being overrun by the same European military machine that penetrated other lands preceding Christian evangelisation.

These issues are poignant for the times we live in and the Church’s long experience and vast resources are well placed to re-inject another dose of ‘fresh air’ and updates on unimplemented pages of Vatican II conclusions gathering dust in the archives.

Potential fall out from alleged Boko Haram attack on Emir of Kano

Introduction

Media was dominated few weeks ago with reports of alleged attack by members of Boko Haram on the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero. The reports claimed that while he was unhurt members of his entourage were not so lucky. While this report is disputable, I’ll concentrate on the potential implications for political forces in northern Nigeria and Nigeria in the short and long term. In doing so I’ll attempt to tease out unique dynamics over time that placed Emir of Kano in questionable position since the 1960s.

Northern Politics

That Boko Haram has become media sensation in Nigeria is no longer news. One will conclude that their media prowess has amplified to attract mainstream western media which in itself is serious and worrying. Nevertheless the events that brought Boko Haram into public discourse has a long unique trajectory which is unfortunately dismissed as a usual phenomenon. These events are part of political tools ad methodologies used by the northern Hausa-Fulani oligarchy to successful pull the strings of the state.

From a spatial perspective it now evident that the actions and methods of Boko Haram are restricted within the territorial space coterminous to the erstwhile Northern Nigeria region. It is also instructive that while this area has undergone population and cultural dynamics since 1960, the political structures and operators remain to all intents and purpose monolithic and cohesive.

From internal political dimension, this is an area formerly under the guardianship of the late Northern Region Premier, Sarduna of Sokoto, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, a proponent of the strategy of ruling Nigeria from ‘sand to the sea’. There is no evidence that this dictum has suffered denudation of late if you pay less attention on who occupies the head of government/state.

Northern hand of Federal instrument

The arrival of 4^th republic under former President Obasanjo opened up a new era in opaque Nigerian politics. Among other things the northern states positively and successfully played strong cards on devolution of law with regard to Sharia. It is important for political watchers to realize that there are few areas of the ‘federal republic’ that is federal indeed. Just a theoretical construction for finally valorization of the state! The successful establishment of Sharia Law as the primary basis of mediation and litigation in Northern region is a testament of political astuteness and strategic foresight.  Only if it solved all underlying problems!

It is rather surprising that this legal and constitutional victory which should have been significant pointer in ‘fighting the war by other means’ did not materialize. The implications are huge for the northern political machine and northern elite in general.

 Emir’s Hegemony

While the Emir of Kano is a powerful political and religious figure in the north and Nigeria, he is on a lower pecking order whose apex is occupied by the Sultan of Sokoto. While I ply my trade denying the veracity of alleged Boko Haram attack, my bearing of this conclusion come from history. Compared to other parts of the country, northern region political machine has remained consistent and united. Dissent is not tolerated or rewarded. To suggest that rouge political and religious elements can institute, execute and wreak havoc across their patrimony without oversight is myopic and delusional.

History has recorded and confirmed that Northern region is a space of genocide and massacre since independence with sustained periodic annihilation of innocent citizens who ascribed and achieved it as home. In the name of politics, religion or both, 1000s have been killed over generations in the northern region with no one brought to account. One of those who always give assurance of safety in his territory is Alhaji Ado Bayero not least the assurance he gave to the late General Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu before and during the events that led to the establishment of Republic of Biafra.

From the fall of Biafra Republic to the present, northern instituted massacres have continued unabated including in Kano and Emir of Kano has not supported its cessation or prosecution of suspects. Many families from around Nigeria have suffering bodily and material losses under Alhaji Ado Bayero’s leadership without recourse to justice in a court of law. To suggest that Emir of Kano has blood on his hands is an understatement. One can only surmise that Boko Haram is another name in the litany of northern instituted violence in her unique pattern of self-regeneration.

Implications

One can wishfully and rightly expect Boko Haram to fade away in time when its masters decide to pull the leash. We have observed similar successful management of cyclical violent proxies in Eastern DR Congo by Rwanda itself a proxy of United States. Boko Haram is a violent proxy whose identity is not very clear at the moment. Nevertheless if the alleged attempt on Alhaji Ado Bayero is true, then this is the first time the Hausa-Fulani oligarchy is receiving a body blow from internal quarters. It can be interpreted as the outset of gradual erosion of northern political machine towards elevation of a new political force. Therefore Emir of Kano and his superior, Sultan of Sokoto may not be smiling after all or they are playing double game of strategic realignment. It is difficult to discern.

On the one hand the usually consistent and all-encompassing power base is threatened from within by a potentially powerful group who are determined to use the same methods that assured erstwhile unity to split or overthrow the current political machine.  In any case there are 2 folds of threats; one against current northern political machine/elite and the one against Nigeria. This is a dynamic which is bound to change and or reverse. It is difficult to conjecture Boko Haram’s success without the current northern power machine/elite. On the other hand, they seem to be plying under unseen hands towards reconfiguration of (Africa) current power structures similar to objectives of US AFRICOM.

The longevity of Boko Haram confirmed it as an organised group with coherent theory of domination, have well-funded local and international support, well-established military hardware supply lines, expertise in deploying explosives, understanding of low-intensity conflict and gradual mastering of the spatial underpinnings of urban warfare. The unseen and unknown guides/masters may be playing for time awaiting events to drag out for an opportunity to finally claim their booty. The determination of this new group who combine effective use of media for maximum impact and deployment of fear confirms an understanding that absence of the state is not just an incentive but a comparative advantage for supplanting it.

Geopolitical Pivots

If Boko Haram is a threat to citizens it is understandable.  However in the face of mounting evidence of state’s reluctance to deal effectively with northern institute religious armies of violence, why should Boko Haram be an exception. If innocent citizens for the last 2 generations have suffered genocide and massacres without Nigeria state interventions and relief, why should these citizens expected positive change while Boko Haram runs riot? To all intents and purpose, the arrival of Boko Haram is another confirmation of Nigeria as a genocidal state. Does Nigeria deserve to be saved? What is the justification for such proposition?

As a potential harbinger of further destabilisation, events in North Africa in the last few years should be a guide. Western mainstream media has commenced paying attention to Boko Haram with armchair ‘experts’ already suggesting links between Boko Haram and foreign Islamist assets. Libya should be a perfect example of where interest of great powers and Islamists converged to generate maximum celebration of violence and dismantling of a state. United States AFRICOM core objective is ensured in the destruction of Libya with effective deployment of Islamist and NATO.

Apart from Libya possessing large quantities of fresh water and crude oil, there were billions of dollars’ worth of Chinese and Russian contracts. To suffocate national independence and check Beijing’s influence, Libya was reduced to rubble and reverted to Stone Age.

Similar event is repeated with panache of stage management in Mali where huge deposits of crude oil, natural gas and gold are confirmed. Chinese investment in Mali is substantial to trigger alarm in Washington DC. It is not surprising that Islamists here used again as fodder of destabilisation to enable deployment of foreign troops in another plank toward recolonisation of Africa. If Mali has only fields of broccoli or geology of useless laterite no Rafael bombers will overfly her airspace with French boots on the ground via US airlifting capacity. One should not forget that Mali has been under US radar and compliance for at least a decade with her armed forces trained by both United States and France. Nigeria’s deployment of troops to Mali maybe dress-rehearsal of what may materialise eventually in her case.

While Nigeria possess crude oil among other natural resources as part of US strategic interests secure, Chinese investment in Nigeria is growing in the last decade albeit in the non-crude oil sector. Nigeria is the biggest geopolitical prize on the continent. The size of Chinese investments and Beijing’s hunger for mineral resources among others things could be the trigger for unleashing Boko Haram as proxy to displays pitiable state response and final call for foreign intervention. If this is plausible, then there is no doubt that the northern power machine/elite including the Emir of Kano are in pole position to reap benefits of potential emergence from final recolonisation of Nigeria.