Introduction
Political geography is not a popular discourse in Igboland despite its evidence across the land and her people. Nevertheless its evidence and dynamics has mutated in the last century and increasingly in the last 50 years to the point of being considered confusing. The confusion is inserted to account for yawning gap between expectation of umunnadi-actors and observed outcomes of the imposed geographies. The purpose of this piece is to present a partial treatment of the geographies at play, the patterns, relationships and misalignment with the help of a schema of geographies above.
Pre-Colonial Delineations
Debate on Igboland and Ndigbo regarding politics and power has always taken the negative to the point of reduction hence Igbo history, Igbo politics and Igbo studies remains off-limit in primary, secondary and tertiary education. To an extent this has been justified in some quarters as an opportunity to impose new structures for unfortunate historical updates.
Nevertheless there is an exhaustive study on Ndigbo and Igboland on the number of graduate dissertations, scholarly publications and some books. More is required. Some of the controversy is generated on the status of Igboland as a state (probably in the Westphalian sense) and on the depth of its centralisation. On the latter there is the quick latch on the republican nature of Ndigbo as if it is a universal testament across communities. Effort is not to be wasted as such here.
Debate on Igboland and Ndigbo regarding politics and power has always taken the negative to the point of reduction hence Igbo history, Igbo politics and Igbo studies remains off-limit in primary, secondary and tertiary education. To an extent this has been justified in some quarters as an opportunity to impose new structures for unfortunate historical updates.
Nevertheless there is an exhaustive study on Ndigbo and Igboland on the number of graduate dissertations, scholarly publications and some books. More is required. Some of the controversy is generated on the status of Igboland as a state (probably in the Westphalian sense) and on the depth of its centralisation. On the latter there is the quick latch on the republican nature of Ndigbo as if it is a universal testament across communities. Effort is not to be wasted as such here.
However political power in Igboland is intrinsically territorial whether community is patrilineal or matrilineal. While there is no overarching centralised leadership there is no doubt of territorial integrity of Igbo nation for millennia. There is clear and unequivocal expression of spatial consistency of a people and various powers especially political power. Power in essence is spatially defined beyond indeterminate nature of individuals due to their incessant mobility.
The smallest unit of clustering is Atuobi (household) headed by a husband and is fixed and generational. Various households of common ancestry is headed by the most senior in age as Opara/Okpara/Onye ji ofo but units smaller than kindred are equally acknowledged. Members of different households of common ancestry cluster into Mbam (kindred) headed by the most senior in age. Mbam is not always contiguous as residential needs makes for extra-territorial expansion on either communal or private plots.
The smallest unit of clustering is Atuobi (household) headed by a husband and is fixed and generational. Various households of common ancestry is headed by the most senior in age as Opara/Okpara/Onye ji ofo but units smaller than kindred are equally acknowledged. Members of different households of common ancestry cluster into Mbam (kindred) headed by the most senior in age. Mbam is not always contiguous as residential needs makes for extra-territorial expansion on either communal or private plots.
It must be noted that embodiment of political and judicial powers in husbands, first sons and senior elders doesn’t confer total power to them. Each of them is associated with geographies where their essence is most pronounced in space as Obi, Obiri, Obiriama, Ogbakoro or Ogige. Obi can be technically and loosely conflated with seating/living room in modern architecture.
Obiri or Obiriama is situated with the inner land at the residence of the most senior elder although this obvious in most households. Various mbam constitute Ama (village) which is mostly linear in the last 100 years. Contrast patterns could be obtains at older settlements (okpulo). The capital of each ama is Ogbakoro, Ogige Ogbako or Ebe Ogbako.
Obiri or Obiriama is situated with the inner land at the residence of the most senior elder although this obvious in most households. Various mbam constitute Ama (village) which is mostly linear in the last 100 years. Contrast patterns could be obtains at older settlements (okpulo). The capital of each ama is Ogbakoro, Ogige Ogbako or Ebe Ogbako.
This is the ‘centre’ of village life and every member of the village has access. Collective decisions of politics, law, territory and economy are made on this spot. There is no distinction between executive, legislative and judicial undertaking in this space. It is a unique place and extraordinarily that as court of justice, political office, parliament, consultation place, festival spot, spiritual point and not a market.
Casual observation of few of them across locations identified patterns similar to bends or neck connecting 2 parts of a village. It is spacious enough to accommodate every member of the village. It is apt that religious space is distinct and specially invested for primary access and permission of the priest/Onyejishi ala/Onyejishi Agbara.
Casual observation of few of them across locations identified patterns similar to bends or neck connecting 2 parts of a village. It is spacious enough to accommodate every member of the village. It is apt that religious space is distinct and specially invested for primary access and permission of the priest/Onyejishi ala/Onyejishi Agbara.
Different Ama constitutes a town/mba. Care must be taken that this is rather not a functional description but a normative denotation of settlement. Each town/mba has a ‘centre’ where collective political, judicial, legislative, economic, social and spiritual issues are debated and decided. Across the board and above household level, men dominate debates and decisions however individuals and groups are represented in deliberations. At times women, groups of adults and youth congregate and make decision impacting communities not necessarily at the village and town ‘centres’.
Dates of events are announced in advance except in emergencies, attendance in good time is mandatory (contrary to students of African time) and decisions made therein are binding. Presentations and representations are not masked by specialisation and profession in (political) parties. Distance between residences and each ‘centre’ increases with level in hierarchy nevertheless no one is isolated. It is important that in communities with matrilineal lineage, participation of women in collective decision making at the ‘centre’ is reflected in their higher numbers.
Dates of events are announced in advance except in emergencies, attendance in good time is mandatory (contrary to students of African time) and decisions made therein are binding. Presentations and representations are not masked by specialisation and profession in (political) parties. Distance between residences and each ‘centre’ increases with level in hierarchy nevertheless no one is isolated. It is important that in communities with matrilineal lineage, participation of women in collective decision making at the ‘centre’ is reflected in their higher numbers.
Town in various parts of Igboland may constitute or formally engage in loose confederations depending on common interest, common ancestry and common boundary. Leadership is not imposed rather agreed by consensus.
Colonial Tidings
Colonisation is a testament to conquest and vanquish of Igboland economically, politically, militarily and spiritually by an external stronger force. The territorial integrity was hijacked for foreign interest and in essence triggers up new cartographic and spatial delineations to accelerate new interests. The implication was enormous and remains potent to this today.
It doesn’t remove that fact the pre-colonial geographies are original, indigenous, people-oriented and internally generated for collective interest. The new geographies are imposed, non-negotiated, mostly non-coterminous and will ever remain contested. It is clear that imposed geographies attempt without success to claim legitimacy from the organic spatial outlays.
Colonisation is a testament to conquest and vanquish of Igboland economically, politically, militarily and spiritually by an external stronger force. The territorial integrity was hijacked for foreign interest and in essence triggers up new cartographic and spatial delineations to accelerate new interests. The implication was enormous and remains potent to this today.
It doesn’t remove that fact the pre-colonial geographies are original, indigenous, people-oriented and internally generated for collective interest. The new geographies are imposed, non-negotiated, mostly non-coterminous and will ever remain contested. It is clear that imposed geographies attempt without success to claim legitimacy from the organic spatial outlays.
Christianity emerged into foray in the bid to ‘bring the gospel’ to the heathen. My perspective is defined by Catholic spatial structures. Fact remains that captains of Christianity at the time were neither neutral nor disinterested in the melee or mayhem towards ‘mass conversion’ of Igboland. This was centuries after the most heinous crime of trans-Atlantic enslavement of Africans sanctioned by Christianity as crystallized in Bartholomew de la Casas attempt to mitigate American Indians suffering by his suggesting Africans as convenient strategic solution. If American Indians were human enough to be spared, then Africans including Ndigbo are inhuman to be saved. He was referred to as Saviour of American Indians! Probably the Scourge of Africans!
The ‘evangelisation’ project involved peculiar spatial criteria especially where imposition is confused with ‘divine’ will to cement centralisation for a global network. This means that onye Igbo nwere okwukwe fits into a 4 stage schema – individual, parish, diocese and world (Vatican) in a funnel-like structure. The new boundaries are not coterminous with the original rather are disconnected from it as a priority for consolidation.
The operational and function constrains on Ndigbo is challenging because of an expected hybrid geography with anticipated outcome for the new imposition with fledgling of theocracy which upset dominant worldview. Despite generational pulsation of diocese and parish sizes, it is clear that faithful are deformed spatially or isolated from a realistic view point hence priests/church are always far away. There is clear expectation that legitimacy will be drawn from the indigenous spatial template of Igboland.
The operational and function constrains on Ndigbo is challenging because of an expected hybrid geography with anticipated outcome for the new imposition with fledgling of theocracy which upset dominant worldview. Despite generational pulsation of diocese and parish sizes, it is clear that faithful are deformed spatially or isolated from a realistic view point hence priests/church are always far away. There is clear expectation that legitimacy will be drawn from the indigenous spatial template of Igboland.
Until recently parish centres/priests are always delimited away from settlements/communities in essence a physical gap inevitably emerges as a result mostly in extra-urban areas. In recent times some parishes are becoming coterminous to a single town/mba. Of course there were or are reasons. Dioceses centre run by a bishop is mentally located as far as Jerusalem, Rome and Egypt respectively.
Post-Independence Bonanza
Independence brought home another litany of spatial reconfigurations almost every decade till the present. Nevertheless one must be mindful that what happened after the UK-Unilever business deal that delivered Nigeria only set the scene of an umbrella without internal consistency. Between 1914 and 1960 retrogressive cartographical investments can be perceived from their large spread and obvious displacement from the peoples or rather subjects. Whether you call it South or Eastern Region with or without sub-division, Igboland only hung on to puerile geographies that principally relegate the home base.
Independence brought home another litany of spatial reconfigurations almost every decade till the present. Nevertheless one must be mindful that what happened after the UK-Unilever business deal that delivered Nigeria only set the scene of an umbrella without internal consistency. Between 1914 and 1960 retrogressive cartographical investments can be perceived from their large spread and obvious displacement from the peoples or rather subjects. Whether you call it South or Eastern Region with or without sub-division, Igboland only hung on to puerile geographies that principally relegate the home base.
The hierarchical demotion continued with post-independence administrators & leaders who have continued the onslaught on spatial reconfigurations starting with conflict-imposed balkanisation of Eastern region in 1967 to 1976 emergence of Imo and Anambra States. Without totally condemning these acts of national dissection, one can only bizarrely watch the yawning gap between the people and potentials of the new boundaries. Of course the numbers increased again with addition of Abia, Ebonyi and Enugu States.
While the national boundary of Igboland is acknowledged, the internal outlines and sub-divisions denoted in local governments and wards have continued to defy reason in their inability to bring resources to the majority and vice versa. As structures imposed by (top-down) fiat, absence of productive connection with the original leaves the new geographies without legitimacy and functional consistency.
While the national boundary of Igboland is acknowledged, the internal outlines and sub-divisions denoted in local governments and wards have continued to defy reason in their inability to bring resources to the majority and vice versa. As structures imposed by (top-down) fiat, absence of productive connection with the original leaves the new geographies without legitimacy and functional consistency.
Igboland internal geographies are rather mangled together in reaching out beyond it for interests in the Nigerian project via senatorial zones and federal representative areas. What is obvious is that the expectations of these new geographies are that their centres seem puzzling as their collective purposes disheartening. Of course resources continue to reach them from the Federation Account and other accounts for ‘settlements’ and proverbial 10 per centres. In some cases the centres never existed or apparently ooze of periphery as personality politics decimated their rightful expression of public benefits to associated populations.
What obtains is an ever increasing distance between umunna and multiple centres of power devoid of centre and power that only confirms that their centres are no longer holding. It is better for umunna to focus attention on pregnant clouds than hope for crumbs thrown away of a less stingy table from an expected centre of power. Another option is to reclaim and or modify these boundaries and their centres regardless of their levels in hierarchy to their rightful designations towards active responsibility to umunna on the ground.
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