Saturday 21 June 2014

Emerging geographies in Post-Sadaam Iraq

Introduction
The current phase of non-state violence concentrated in the northern part of Iraq didn’t present any new scenario divorced from predicted consequences of US invasion and occupation of the country.  However, some observers and analysts on the region seem to accept the worn out mantra akin to stability is the goal of invasion and occupation. On the contrary, it is the thesis of this piece that Sadaam’s Iraq has ceased to exist rather new geographies are emerging as consequences which will in time stabilise depending on a number of factors.

Shock & Awe
States are no different from products on a shop floor, they have both manufactured and expiry dates. The day in 2003 United States unleashed her menacing weapons of military destruction signalled the end of the Iraq as a cohesive and viable state. All the excuse of ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy’ are fig leaves of propaganda which fooled many observers. Dismantling of Iraq institutions including the armed forces opened the space for new non-state players from within and beyond to fill the gap with an indeterminate timeline. In the absence of coherent Shock & Awe and Divide-and-Conquer policy it was only a matter of time before the social, cultural, political and economic consequences start to unravel.

While it is indisputable that US ‘immobile warship’ in the region, Israel, benefitted; the prediction of having a single beneficiary from this debacle was foolhardy. Naturally without firing a shot Tehran’s influence elevated in the new Iraq as most representatives of the majority Shia Iraqi lived at different times in Iran.  This was a natural outcome of electoral representation based on majority a la sectarianisation. The new majority were not fooled that theirs is the usual Iraq from Basra to Mosul.  The Kurds often regarded as the biggest nation without a state gradually positioned to capture opportunities despite clear awareness of repeat of geopolitical betrayal in a tough neighbourhood.

3 Countries from 1 State
Despite genuine nostalgia and misplaced focus on nation-state system, the shifting sand of decade-long violence and instability opened an avenue to reshape alliances and realities within Iraq’s contiguous space. Among other things, the new players now striving for attention and positions are to all intent and purposes greenhorns playing for a diminished crowd faced with new complex realities. The underlying factors that empower all the players despite allegation of sectarianism in the Anglo media is the ever presence of crude oil.

In the face of the fact that nation building and institutional development takes very long, it is very rich for destroyers to give lessons in construction.  There is no evidence that democracies are constructs for advancing desires of minorities even to the point of suggesting inclusive frameworks to accommodate niggling issues. In a sense democracy in one space is dead.  So an emerging pattern of space of power has concentrated in 3 locations and these are akin to 3 distinct geopolitical spaces. There is Baghdad which is the epicentre of Shia Iraqi activism and is conterminous to most locations south of Baghdad parallel. There is sufficient crude oil to ensure its viability and sustainability. Of course calling the instigator of Shock & Awe to ‘target bomb’ rivals albeit compatriots by Baghdad exposes the complexity of negative outcomes.

From a geopolitical dimension the guiding hand of Tehran is sufficient to modify and deflect military and geopolitical encroachment on this entity. Its internal stability will be initially shaky given the high stake attention to religious affiliation exploited as raison d’être in post-Sadaam era.

In the central and northern parts of Iraq dominated by Kurds, post-1991 Gulf War no-flying zone opened the way for constructive policies of the first Kurdish state in living memory. As the most viable  and most stable/dependent of the 3 entities, politicians in the area are consolidating their grips on power and as well as meandering through the geopolitical minefield not least in the recent past sale of crude oil via Turkey with Ankara’s connivance. One must realise that Iraqi Kurdistan is landlocked and is surrounded by disparate interests and historical challenges. Kurds everywhere in the region will surely need recognition of preponderant capitals i.e. Ankara, Damascus & Tehran to express their self-determination.  Fillers on Kurdistan’s moves from these capitals maybe difficult to discern but may be not strategically accommodating. There is an absence of viable policy in Ankara on dealing effectively with latest Kurdish political maturity and its implication for Turkish Kurds. 

The swath of space around Central Iraq including its western borders with Saudi Arabia and Syria can be termed the Sunni Iraqi Heartland. This is the crucible of fast changing alliances, the space most active in dissolving the erstwhile Iraq as their geopolitical currency apparently eliminated the usual boundaries. The coalition of Sunni Iraqis as equal victims of savage sectariansation may end up being mere pawns in a high stake game. The main contradiction overhanging the existence of their armed groups is the conundrum of recognising international borders of which in Syria they are regarded as anti-Assad and supplied with weapons & materials to boot, but as they cross into Iraq they are presented as rational agencies for inclusion even possible candidates for violent overthrow in Baghdad. So in their desperation for power, they are manipulated and presented as rejecters of international boundaries while they are simultaneously injected in its buoyant narrative.

For the Sunni Iraqis who have benefited from power for nearly 2 generations, sudden expulsion from power has proven cathartic, dangerous, contestable and opprobrious.  The space will be a land-locked entity tied to the geopolitical dexterity of Riyadh. It has borne major cost of Shock & Awe with little or no institutions capable enough to guide requirements and implementation of popular will. Time will tell if the current alliance controlled by Riyadh will stand the test of time.

King Crude Oil
The short-term beneficiary of the current conflict and brazen onus towards balkanisation of Iraq are the crude oil companies. Rising oil prices stemming from the conflict has increased profits as production remain unchanged for OPEC and non-OPEC producers. However the new reality only exposes many fragile economies within and beyond the region to new costs which cannot be replaces hence over time, economic growth figures will start dipping.

In terms of viability of these new entities based on their crude oil production capacities, Iraqi Kurdistan and Shia Iraq are best placed to move into the next phases to consolidate their gains internally. Ankara may not be constrained to take advantage of Kurdistan in the short run as Erbil may have little room to manoeuvre.  Awareness of threat from Sunni Heartland and Iran may soften serious ambitions which imply clearly that Iraqi Kurdistan’s fate as mentioned earlier is tied elsewhere.

As United States overreached herself as the trigger of these developments, her credibility on many sides is seriously dented that cooperation prospects are dim. Her current demand on Baghdad i.e. for Prime Minister Maliki to resign confirms her limbo position. Moscow’s warnings and ambivalence added to Tehran’s new composure albeit suspicion has placed Washington DC is an uncomfortable position. United States is caught between serious face-saving gesture, an admission of guilt and hardening of position. For each move to be effected, a Gordian knot must be cut & pleasant surprise on the home front.

In the End

Nation-states as expressions of human political instinct in specific locations cannot be denied even in the face of wrong policies. While it is very early to suggest that wrongs have been righted and rights have been wronged, Iraq as a result of colonial intrigue rested on Sykes-Picot Accord is dead but not buried. New spatial and political realities have supplanted and dismembered erstwhile power base into 3 spatial contiguities expressing their majority populations’ dispositions. United States geopolitical machinations and power projections including military imposition have revealed limited benefit if any to its interest. Nevertheless, with no clear moves toward stability and attention spilling beyond each of these new boundaries; weapon supply, armed conflicts and violence may continue to be part of the new spatial realities for some time.  Truly, there is no easy way out.

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